Monthly Archive for September, 2007

Decadent Worker #77 – 30Sept87

Decadent Worker 77So authority rules your whole life, the authority of the past and the present, of the dead and the living, and your existence is a continuous invasion and violation of yourself, a constant subjection to the thoughts and the will of some one else.

And as you are invaded and violated, so you subconsciously revenge yourself by invading and violating others over whom you have authority or can exercise compulsion, physical or moral. In this way all life has become a crazy-quilt of authority, of domination and submission, of command and obedience, of coercion and subjection, of rulers and ruled, of violence and force in a thousand and one forms.

Can you wonder that even idealists are still held in the meshes of this spirit of authority and violence, and are often impelled by their feelings and environment to invasive acts entirely at variance with their ideas?

We are all still barbarians who resort to force and violence to settle our doubts, difficulties, and troubles. Violence is the method of ignorance, the weapon of the weak. The strong of heart and brain need no violence, for they are irresistible in their consciousness of being right. The further we get away from primitive man and the hatchet age, the less recouse we shall have to force and violence. The more enlightened man will become, the less he will employ compulsion and coercion. The really civilized man will divest himself of all ear and authority. He will rise from the dust and stand erect; he will bow to no tear either in heaven or on earth. He will become fully human when he will scorn to rule and refuse to be ruled. He will be truly free only when there shall be no more masters.

Anarchism is the ideal of such a condition; of a society without force and compulsion, where all men shall be equals, and live in freedom, peace, and harmony.

The word Anarchy comes from the Greek, meaning without force, without violence or government, because government is the very fountainhead of violence, constraint, and coercion.

Anarchy therefore does not mean disorder and chaos, as you thought before. On the contrary, it is the very reverse of it; it means no government, which is freedom and liberty. Disorder is the child of authority and compulsion. Liberty is the mother of order.
– Alexander Berkman, What is Communist Anarchism?

An adequate appreciation of the tremendous spread of the modern conscious social unrest cannot be gained from merely propagandistic literature. Rather, we must become conversant with the larger phases of human expression manifest in art, literature, and, above all, the modern drama — the strongest and most far-reaching interpreter of our deep-felt dissatisfaction. — Emma Goldman, The Modern Drama

A woman immigrating from Eastern Europe was once being questioned on Ellis Island by a customs official. “Do you,” he asked, advocate the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force or violence?” She thought a moment and then answered: “Violence.”

I’ve been neglecting…

One of my tattoos

Decadent Worker #76 – 25Sept87

Decadent Worker 76TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

“Kerry, the Cubans are mostly of Spanish blood, and Spaniards are white people. So if there is a war against Communism, and if there is some way of influencing where it occurs, I think it would be good if that war was against somebody other than Cubans — such as an Oriental race.” — Brother-in-law

Those words, spoken before the JFK murder, were the most important I ever heard. (See also KULTCHA #’s 8, 10, 14 & DW #’s 1, 5, 8.) 25 years later they are of life-or-death relevance to millions upon millions of human beings. For not only do they indicate the Indochina war was escalated deliberately, they bring up the possibility that the same conspiracy is behind the unprecedented turmoil and starvation in Africa and Latin America.

Probably the same conspiracy is to blame for surrounding me with deceived agents instructed to convey to me in cant language all manner of irrelevant trivia. If someone tells you to contat me for purposes of relating any data that does not pertain to the escalation of war and/or instigation of genocidal famine — write down their names and any additional pertinent facts. When possible, tape their words. Prepare to assist the prosecution of war crimes trials.

Don’t attempt to communicate with me in cant about unconnected matters. I’m uninterested in community projects to get me laid; they only make me feel psychologically invaded; sexual favors bestowed by the authorities are not the same as, nor any substitute for, sexual freedom among consenting persons; I don’t want to “go home,” as you call it; I want the pigs off my back. Anyone who tells you to get personal with me or to yammer about money and banking or religion (see KULTCHA #15) or who tells you I am not speaking plainly or who insists I’m communicating in cryptic gestures (called “flying”) is almost certainly either a Nazi or a neo-Nazi or an agent or dupe of Nazis. Nor is the reality of mind control sufficient excuse to ignore a holocaust worse than was wrought by Hitler, whose scientists originated thought control anyhow. Those who want to make mind control a single issue should center their agitation on some other subject of experimentation who is not also a witness to crimes against humanity.

That I hated Kennedy at the time of his death (and still don’t think he was great) and that I believed with Ayn Rand in States Rights back then is occasionally thrown up as if to somehow refute me. Need I remind anyone that had I been for Kennedy and against States Rights I would never have been privy to the assassination plot to begin with.

(Ayn Rand’s article on Civil Rights in a 1963 Objectivist Newsletter lamented racism as the most irrational collectivism known to man but defended States Rights in the name of individualism; I agreed with every word of that essay; a year later Robert LeFevre convinced me that under Natural Law there is no such thing as States Rights, that only individuals retain rights. Besides that, these hypocrites are straining at gnats so as to swallow the camel of planned racist mass murder — taking by starvation between 13 and 18 million non-Caucasian lives a year, not to mention past and future wars of depopulation in Indochina!)

His Excellency Pham van Dong, Prime Minister, Chu Tich Hoi Dong Bo truong, Hanoi, Socialist Republic of Vietnam may be reached for 44c air mail postage. There is also the World Court and the UN War Crimes Commission. Or contact Third World people in secret, unpredictable ways. –Kerry Wendell Thornley

Decadent Worker #75 – 23Sept87

Decadent Worker 75You might ask whether the holding of revolutionary ideas would not naturally influence a person toward deeds of violence. I do not think so, because we have seen that violent methods are also employed by people of the most conservative opinions. If pesons of directly opposite political views commit similar acts, it is hardly reasonable to say that their ideas are responsible for such acts.

Like results have a like cause, but that cause is not to be found in political convictions; rather in individual temperament and the general feeling about violence.

“You may be right about temperament,” you say. “I can see that revolutionary ideas are not the cause of political acts of violence, else every revolutionary would be committing such acts. But do not such views to some extent justify those who commit such acts?”

It may seem so at first sight. But if you think it over you will find that it is an entirely wrong idea. The best proof of it is that Anarchists who hold exactly the same views about government and the necessity of abolishing it, often disagree entirely on the question of violence. Thus Tolstoyan Anarchists and most Individualist Anarchists condemn political violence, while other Anarchists approve of or at least justify it.

Is it reasonable, then, to say that Anarchist views are responsible for violence or in any way influence such acts?

Moreover, many Anarchists who at one time believed in violence as a means of propaganda have changed their opinion about it and do not favor such methods any more. There was a time, for instance, when Anarchists advocated individual acts of violence, known as “propaganda by deed.” They did not expect to change government and capitalism into Anarchism by such acts, nor did they think that the taking off of a despot would abolish despotism. No, terrorism was considered a means of avenging a popular wrong, inspiring fear in the enemy, and also calling attention to the evil against which the act of terror was directed. But most Anarchists today do not believe any more in “propaganda by deed” and do not favor acts of that nature.

Experience has taught them that though such methods may have been justified and useful in the past, modern conditions of life make them unnecessary and even harmful to the spread of their ideas. But their ideas remain the same, which means that it was not Anarchism which shaped attitude to violence. It proves that it is not certain ideas or “isms” that lead to violence, but that some other causes bring it about.

We must therefore look somewhere else to find the right explanation.

As we have seen, acts of political violence have been committed not only by Anarchists, Socialists, and revolutionists of all kinds, but also by patriots and nationalists, by Democrats and Republicans, by suffragettes, by conservatives and reactionaries, by monarchists and royalists, and even by religionists and devout Christians.

We know now that it could not have been any particular “ism” that influenced their acts, because the most varied ideas and “isms” produced similar deeds. I have given as the reason individual temperament and the general feeling about violence.

Here is the crux of the matter. What is this general feeling about violence? If we can answer this question correctly, the whole matter will be clear to us.

If we speak honestly, we must admit that every one believes in violence and practices it, however he may condemn it in others. In fact, all the institutions we support and the entire life of present society are based on violence.

What is the thing we call government? Is it anything else but organized violence? The law orders you to do this or not to do that, and if you fail to obey, it will compel you by force. We are not discussing just now whether it is right or wrong, whether it should or should not be so. Just now we are interested in the fact that it is so — that all government, all law and authority finally rest on force and violence, on punishment or the fear of punishment.

Why, even spiritual authority, the authority of the church and of God rests on force and violence, because it is the far of divine wrath and vengeance that wields power over you, compels you to obey, and even to believe against your own reason.

Wherever you turn you will find that our entire life is built on violence or the fear of it. From earliest childhood you are subjected to the violence of parents or elders. At home, in school, in the office, factory, field, or shop, it is always some one’s authority which keeps you obedient and compels you to do his will.

The right to compel you is called authority. Fear of punishment has been made into duty and is called obedience.

In this atmosphere of force and violence, of authority and obedience, of duty, fear and punishment we all grow up; we breathe it throughout our lives. We are so steeped in the spirit of violence that we never stop to ask whether violence is right or wrong. We only ask if it is legal, whether the law permits it.

You don’t question the right of the government to kill, to confiscate and imprison. If a private person should be guilty of the things the government is doing all the time, you’d brand him a murderer, thief, and scoundrel. But as long as the violence committed is “lawful,” you approve of it and submit to it. So it is not really violence that you object to, but to people using violence “unlawfully.”

This lawful violence and the fear of it dominate our whole existence, individual and collective. Authority controls our lives from the cradle to the grave — authority parental, priestly and divine, political, economic, social, and moral. But whatever the character of that authority, it is always the same executioner wielding power over you through your fear of punishment in one form or another. You are afraid of God and the devil, of the priest and the neighbor, of your employer and boss, of the politician and the policeman, of the judge and the jailer, of the law and the government. All your life is a long chain of fears — fears which bruise your body and lacerate your soul. On those fears is based the authority of God, of the church, of parents, of capitalist and ruler.

Look into your heart and see if what I say is not true. Why, even among children the ten-year-old Johnny bosses his younger brother or sister by the authority of his greater physical strength, just as Johnny’s father bosses him by his superior strength, and by Johnny’s dependence on his support. You stand for the authority of priest and preacher because you think they can “call down the wrath of God upon your head.” You submit to the domination of boss, judge, and government because of their power to deprive you of work, to ruin your business, to put you in prison — a power, by the way, that you yourself have given into their hands. — Alexander Berkman, What is Communist Anarchism?

Decadent Worker #74 – 18Sept87

Decadent Worker 741973: Assassination of U.S. diplomats Cleo A. Nobel, Jr., and George C. Moore and Belgian diplomat Guy Eid by Palestinian guerrillas in Khartoum; Richard Sharples of Bermuda, Mohammad Ali Osman of Yemen, Salvadore Allende Gossens of Chile, and Lyndon Johnson at his ranch in Texas. Among his last words: “You know, fellows, it really was a conspiracy…” Senator Stennis shot in Washington, D.C. Bilderberger meeting in Saltsjobaden, Sweden. Trilateral Commission founded under the direction of Primus Illuminatus David Rockefeller, with Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale among the founding members.” — Bruce Roberts, The Gemstone Files

…Didn’t the United States invade the Dominican Republic? Didn’t the United States bomb North Vietnam? Didn’t they carry on an exhausting war for years in South Vietnam? How could we be sure that we would not be invaded? And this thought determined the setting up of strategic missiles in Cuba.

Of course, the measures we took also implied another danger, but in the final balance Cuba was not invaded and there was no world war. We did not, therefore, have to suffer a war like Vietnam — because many Americans could ask themselves, why a war in Vietnam, thousands of miles away, why millions of tons of bombs dropped on Vietnam and not on Cuba? It was much more logical for the United States to do this to Cuba than to do it ten thousand kilometers away. And this is precisely how we saw the danger, and the results of the crisis prevented this type of war against Cuba. What would have happened to us? Since the socialist countries are so far away, we had no backup defense, no direct source of ammunitions. In the end the problem of a world war was circumvented…

Considerable infiltration also went on. All this was after 1962, 1963, 1964, and all this was very irritating for us because there was an agreement against direct aggression, but the policy of harassment continued in effect…

Large squadrons were mobilized around Cuba, in different directions, utilizing air transports, everything, but as the Vietnam War grew in momentum, all these troops were sent there…

As the United States became more and more involved in Vietnam, it limited its activities with relation to Cuba, because it was obvious that as they diminished their troops here their troops in Vietnam increased. Our defensive capabilities also grew, and it would have been necessary to use the troops in Vietnam in any attack against Cuba.

Although there always were reserves in the United States, these were not enough to carry out a lightning attack against Cuba…

After a few years, after the terrible mistake of the involvement in Vietnam, the international situation has changed and today, fifteen years after the Revolution, we can say that we enjoy a relatively peaceful climate in our country.

–Fidel Castro, 1975

(Frank Mankiewicz and Kirby Jones, With Fidel: A Portrait of Castro and Cuba, Ballantine Books, New York, 1975, pp. 150-155)

Decadent Worker #73: MISSING

I don’t have a copy of DW #73. If you have one, kindly send me a good readable scan of it. Thanks.

Decadent Worker #72 – 11Sept87

Decadent Worker 72As my rather frantic writings in DW, Factsheet Five and The Book of the SubGenius indicate, I don’t trust the Worldwide Church of God — publishers of The Plain Truth. Much about that organization convinces me it is probably principal facility of the clandestine propaganda network created here by Goebbels in the thirties. A Christian ministry at first glance, the lore of conspiracy politics presents it as actually some kind of anti-racist conspiracy. Under the late Herbert Armstrong its politics resembled those of the old Isolationist Right. I recall a rather pathetic article on world hunger a few years back, insisting that the way to lick it was simply for everyone to stop spending money on armaments. I’m elated to note there has at least been a change in the plain words of The Plain Truth, and a most perceptive one at that:

“Actually, most of earth’s inhabitants, whether or not they have shelter, are landless. Not a few of them too would be among the homless except for one factor: They are able to pay rent or maintain a shelter of some kind on someone else’s land.

“In certain rural areas of the world, housing, often primitive, is provided to those who work the land belonging to others. What kind of security is any of this though? Should one become physically incapable of working to pay the rent, one could quickly become both landless and homeless.

“Even those who are paying on a mortgage cannot really be said to be landowners. Miss a few mortgage payments and landlessness as well as homelessness become a real possibility.” — Clayton Steep, “A Worldwide Problem: the Homeless and the Landless,” July-August 1987, p. 12-3

Chairman Mao, who despised conspiracy politics, said: “Communists must never separate themselves from the majority of the people or neglect them by leading only a few progressive contingents in an isolated and rash advance, but must take care for forge close links between the progressive elements and the broad masses.”

So far, so good. Tell me: Why do I keep getting messages that it is the landlords who support ending secrecy and the progressive elements who support censorship, cant, suppression of the historical record about the JFK murder and Viet Nam escalation, etc.? Do I look gullible enough to believe that the landless are all sworn to secrecy in a vast plot against the less than 10% who control more than 80% of the planet’s land and natural resources? Come off it.

Capitalism is such a citadel of secrecy that a number of years ago Senator Frank Church discovered that he could not find out who really own the corporations listed as the Fortune 500. When landlords alone ruled the whole of Europe the ignorance of the masses was such that we have ever since called that era the Dark Ages.

I am a leftist and I do not advocate secrecy. In 1976 I recommended to Bird staffers Jules Archer’s Fidel Castro which shows how Castro beat Batista without ever resorting to surprise tactics. Since 1977 I have been saying to develop, in this age ot Psychological Stress Evaluations, strategies that don’t require secrecy. Our worst problem is that the Permanent Universal Rent Strike is a secret!

–Ho Chi Zen

Decadent Worker #71 – 9Sept87

Decadent Worker 71Reprinted with permission from “Notes on the Nazis” by Eric Wynants, first appeared in Critique: A Journal of Conspiracies & Metaphysics, #7,8. (c) 1982 by Critique (Box 11368, Santa Rosa, CA 95406), sample issue $6:

…Experts and collaborators in this work confirm that the first projects, called “flying discs”, were undertaken in 1941. The designs for these “flying discs” were drawn up by the German experts Schriever, Habermohl and Miethe, and the Italian Belljonzo. Habermohl and Schriever chose a wide-surface ring which rotated around a fixed, cupola-shaped cockpit. The ring consisted of adjustable wing-discs which could be brought into the appropriate position for the take-off. Miethe developed a discus-shaped plate in which adjustable jets were inserted. Schriever and Habormohl, who worked in Prague, took off with the first “flying disc” on February 14, 1945. Within three minutes they climbed to an altitude of 12,400 meters and reached a speed of 2,000 km/hour.

Extensive preliminary tests and research were necessary before construction could be started. Because of the great speed and the extraordinary heat stress, special heat-resisting materials had to be found. The development, which cost millions, was almost completed at the end of the war. All the existing plants at that time were destroyed except for the plant in Breslau where Miethe’s work fell into the hands of the Russians who took all the material and experts to Siberia, where work on these “flying saucers” is being successfully continued.

Schriever escaped from Prague in time; Habermohl, however, is probably in the Soviet Union, as nothing is known of his fate. The former designer Miethe is in the United States, and, as far as is known, is building flying saucers for the US and Canada… Years ago, the US Air Force received orders not to fire at “flying saucers.” This is an indication of the existence of American Flying Saucers which must not be endangered…

In the June 1957 issue of Uranus, editor Egerton Sykes wrote: “Engineer Viktor Schauberger of the Biological Institute of Bad Ischl… is reported to have produced and flown, as far back as 1940, hat or bell-shaped craft – presumably of model sizess – made from copper utilizing diamagnetism.” Victor Shauberger lived for some years in the United States after the war where he was reported to be working on UFO projects. Apparently he was well financed and supported by a group of mysterious, but obviously wealthy people… His articles were greatly discussed and then one day in Chicago he just vanished. His battered body was found and as to who killed Schauberger or why has never been solved. (pp. 44-6)

Decadent Worker #70 – 4Sept87

Hit Squad, Inc.

Decadent Worker 70In addition to rumors and theories, there is another factor that will help the reader see my conversations with Brother-in-law in perspective. Life among the artists and writers in the French Quarter, not chats with a strange hoodlum, comprised the central theme of my activities as I perceived them then.

My association with Clint Bolton was more or less typical in this respect.

One night when I was being a barroom poet in a cafe, reading some of my verses to friends, he rather drunkenly butted in. “Tear down the walls!” he roared, in response to a line about keeping my love behind the highest wall.

“What’s the matter?” I asked him. “Isn’t your own business worth minding?”

“No.”

That answer caught me off guard.

“Trouble with you young people nowadays — you build too many walls. Rip ‘em down.”

As our discussion continued I realized he was a man who knew a great deal about literature. If I ever wrote about him, he was to tell me later, I should describe him as an aging middle weight.

Clint Bolton, an aging middle weight, had retired from a career of news reporting, of which a highlight had been interviewing Ernest Hemingway in Spain.

When what he called our “Tuesday afternoon poetry reading circle” broke up, he and I went together to a saloon on Rampart, where we talked about Pindar until morning.

“I could write circles around you,” he bragged. “I could tell you so much about writing — hell, I’ve already forgotten more than you’ve learned.” Then he paused, as was his way, for an intolerably long and drunken interval as I patiently awaited his next word. Clint was an emotional alcoholic whose own eloquence often drove him to tears. “I never wrote a novel. Every newspaper hack keeps an unfinished book manuscript in his desk drawer. Don’t mess around with that Tuesday afternoon stuff, kid. Every little old lady in America writes poems. Write a book.”

As I walked him home at dawn, I told him about The Idle Warriors. This was in the spring of 1963, probably April, and I’d long since given up trying to find a publisher. “It needs work. Not enough unity and plot. Just a collection of anecdotes,” I told him. But the basic idea was fantastic. I was trying to explain why foreigners hate Americans — like The Ugly American, only about enlisted men in the service, about how some of them acted on liberty in the Far East in peacetime. Man, it was horrible. A bunch of crew-cut young punks who thought they were conquering heroes. They beat up on cab drivers, tore apart bars, made fun of the customs. I felt ashamed of my uniform by the time I’d been there a month. One guy I knew got so disgusted with it that when he got out he defected to Russia. So my main character in the novel does the same thing.”

By this time we were standing in front of Clint’s shotgun apartment, a couple of blocks up the street from the Bourbon House. “Say the truth, kid. That’s all there is to great writing, you know. Just saying the truth without wasting words. And another thing,” he paused again and let me stand there as he fished for words in bleary-eyed silence. “I listen to you — as you tell me about this novel of yours — your tone of voice, your enthusiasm — and I think: Why in hell’s name is this kid sitting around in saloons reading poems to a bunch of Beatniks? Writing is lonely work. That’s something you have to accept if you are going to be an author. And that’s your book. I can tell by the ay you talk about it. Now listen to me, son — because I wish you were my son and that I was your father — listen carefully, because I’ve got only one thing to say to you: Go home and write, ya bum!”

I went home and slept. But when I awoke, I got out the old Idle Warriors manuscript and had a look at it. Maybe Clint was right. Ola had said practically the same thing in different words. I should write this book.

In retrospect, I cannot free myself of the suspicion, so nagging, that there was an intelligence community plot to get The Idle Warriors into print. If there was, it failed — not completely, though. A few chapters were published in a nonfiction book about Oswald I wrote after the assassination. When I testified for the Warren Commission, photocopies of two of my manuscript drafts were taken for the National Archives. Any such theory, of course, cannot omit the hypothesis that both Clint and Ola Holcomb were agents…

If any theory remotely like that one is true, then I must have been virtually surrounded by the intelligence community before the assassination — perhaps since 1959 when Oswald and I volunteered in the Marines for that project to help Fidel Castro rid his new government of Russian agents. That’s a pretty enormous conspiracy theory to have to swallow; it sounds paranoid beyond all reason.

Yet if Nixon and E. Howard Hunt were in charge of the preparations to invade Cuba, and they were, and if Hunt possessed the authority to create exile governments, and he did, then why is it not possible that I was the focal point of such a government? One thing Brother-in-law seemed especially concerned about was the human slavery that exists within even the U.S. intelligence community. With authorization to create a government unrestricted by the usual overseeing clauses he could have designed an organization with multiple purposes. And if CIA bureaucrats really were signing things without reading them, such a document would have been possible.

That the CIA sector involved with anti-Castro activities went out of control, “like a rogue elephant,” just prior to the President’s murder is known.

What if they got authorization to protect certain individuals, to legally murder anyone who posed a threat to their lives? Such persons could under those circumstances have been selected for no other reason than their capacity to draw fire. I was writing a novel based on a man I had known who was probably an undercover agent (for the CIA) in the Soviet Union, a man who then returned to the U.S. with remarkable ease married to the niece of an officer in Russian intelligence. According to a theory presented… in The Yankee and Cowboy War, Oswald may next have been assigned by the CIA to spy on FBI people involved with Guy Banister in anti-Castro preparations. Besides my curiosity about Oswald, I possessed other qualities. I was a militant atheist in a predominately Catholic town, and I appear to have been involved in one way or another with an intelligence community heavily infiltrated with Jesuits. I was an extreme rightwing laissez-faire capitalist. I wanted John Kennedy assassinated and made no secret of it. On top of everything else, I had a chip on my shoulder. I was an emotionally alienated, judgmental misfit. What better way for the likes of Richard Nixon and E. Howard Hunt and Tracy Barnes to get rid of their enemies?

–Kerry Wendell Thornley
The Dreadlock Recollections (c) 1984